Chapter 345: Chapter 32: Intervention by the Allied Forces (Add 4-1)
 

Maximilian’s assumption of the role of Emperor of Mexico irked many nerves.

The domestic opposition from the Republicans was one thing, but, since he had been installed by the French, many within the Constitutionalists also worried about the expanding influence of the French, choosing to wait and see.

Before Maximilian’s arrival in Mexico, Lincoln had already made his stance clear, opposing French intervention in Mexican domestic affairs and condemning the French for violating the Monroe Doctrine.

These were minor issues; with the French even meddling in U.S. internal affairs, who would take the Monroe Doctrine to heart? The French simply ignored Lincoln’s protests.

The Spaniards had already occupied Haiti Island, Austria had reached into the Central American region, and the British intended to retake the Western Region. Naturally, the French saw nothing wrong with plotting to take over Mexico.

Instead of a direct annexation, merely supporting a puppet government to rule was already showing considerable restraint. At the very least, it seemed more decent than Austria’s intent to turn the Central American countries into autonomous provinces.

Not only the Northern government opposed Maximilian becoming the Emperor of Mexico, but the Southern Government also opposed it. They worried that the development of the Mexican Empire would harm their interests.

Against this backdrop, in March 1864, Maximilian ascended to the throne as Emperor of Mexico, historically known as Maximilian I.

Everyone’s attention was on the American Civil War, and there was little interest in this newly born Emperor of Mexico; the coronation ceremony could be considered the worst in a century.

Not to mention the guests’ lack of prestige; it was not worth discussing. With such a long distance, one could hardly expect European nobility to make the trip, and even sending representatives would require travel expenses, wouldn’t it?

Even if the setting was humble, that did not matter; after all, it was just a ceremony. Ultimately, performance was what counted. If it failed, it would indeed be considered poor, but if successful, it would be seen as frugality.

The key issue was that the Republicans caused trouble, organizing a massive parade on the day of the coronation demanding that the Emperor abdicate.

At the coronation site, there were even a few overly dramatic teenagers trying to disrupt the ceremony. Fortunately, the guards reacted in time and stopped this heinous act.

This could be taken as a show of force by the Mexican power faction, a unique way to tell Maximilian I: You’re not popular here, and if you’re smart, you’ll collaborate with us.

…

Shortly after Maximilian’s coronation, the North and the South engaged in a major decisive battle.

In mid-April 1864, at the border between Pennsylvania and Ohio, the Northern government amassed 420,000 troops, while the Southern Government mustered 340,000.

The outcome of this battle would directly affect the future direction of the United States.

If the Northern government lost, Pennsylvania would fall, and the Southern Government would take control of the Great Lakes industrial area, leaving the Northern government with little chance to turn the tide.

Conversely, if the Southern Government lost the battle, their hard-earned advantage would be wiped out.

The Northern government could then capitalize on their victory, reclaim Ohio and Maryland, and use their numerical advantage to crush the Southern Government.

Countries around the world focused their attention here, for as bystanders, they all hoped to see the North and South unable to decisively defeat each other.

Since the outbreak of the Civil War, America’s industrial output had fallen by forty-three percent, and the production of agricultural products had decreased by thirty-seven percent.

Particularly hard hit were the states in the midst of the battlefields: Ohio, Indiana, Kansas, Maryland, Iowa, Illinois, Missouri, and Kentucky suffered the most significant losses.

The U.S. population fell below 30 million, and the war inflicted severe wounds on the nation that would take at least ten years to heal to pre-war levels; the affected states would need twenty to thirty years to lick their wounds.

The worse the Americans fought, the more the European countries benefitted. Not to mention the arms dealers, who each made a fortune.

Other industries also reaped significant benefits. For example, Austria: With the large food exporter, the United States, out of the picture, international food prices rose by thirteen percent, and as Europe’s largest exporter of agricultural products, Austria naturally became the biggest winner.

Beyond agricultural products, Austrian industrial and commercial goods also appeared on the American market. Their total trade exports to America increased by forty-six percent compared to before the war.

England and France did not lag behind, seizing the opportunity to make significant gains in America, especially with the industrially weak Southern Government, which now relied on European-made industrial and commercial products.

Northern states fared not much better; with the economy shifting to war efforts, the production of other civil industrial and commercial products naturally decreased significantly, and European-made goods flooded the market.

Despite Franz stocking up on arms early to capture the market, in reality, it was the British who gained the most economically.

The UK, being the world’s industrial dominator, surpassed all other countries in exports of industrial and commercial goods, making it no surprise that they became the largest beneficiary.

Since the four countries, including the UK, France, Austria, and Spain, decided to unify their stance on the U.S. issue, their envoys often gathered to exchange opinions, and occasionally disagreement would arise.

The Austrian delegate, Diluc, proposed, “Gentlemen, the critical moment has come; no matter who wins or loses this battle, we must intervene.

If we act too late and the victor is decided, the cost of intervention will be far greater than trivial. I propose that we immediately organize an Intervention Alliance and directly use military force to intervene in the American Civil War.”

The French delegate, Alfred, objected, “Your Excellency, it is somewhat premature for us to act now. Whoever wins this battle will suffer heavy losses and won’t be capable of a full counter-offensive in the short term.

This war will continue for a long time, and it’s in our best interest to use the civil war to exhaust the Americans as much as possible.

If we enter the fray now, both the Southern Government and the Northern Government will still have a strong military force, which is not conducive to our subsequent activities in North America.”

All this was a pretext; the key point was that the French were concentrating their efforts on the Mexican affair. Now, if they were to send troops to intervene in the American Civil War, the forces they could spare were too few.

Interests are always linked to power; the greater the force we can commit now, the greater the benefits we can reap after the war.

We are all established powers, none without cunning; hoping to benefit without contributing is wishful thinking we should all forsake.

What Alfred wants most is to buy time until they can spare the resources to intervene in the American Civil War, in order to maximize their interests.

After all, in his view, a joint intervention of the Four countries including the UK, France, Austria, and Spain in this civil war would pose no difficulty. Not to mention a gravely weakened America, even a fully restored America could not withstand a confrontation with all four powers.

The British Ambassador, Mario Oliver, spoke up, “The American Civil War has been fought to this point, and both sides are already exhausted. The probability of it continuing for a long period is not high.

If it weren’t for the fact that both sides could hardly hold on any longer, there wouldn’t be this decisive battle. Judging from the situation on the battlefield, it’s very clear to us all that the preparations on both sides for this battle have been very hasty.

If we continue to wait, no one can guarantee what will happen next. What if, after a victory is decided, the two sides simply compromise?

As a third party, if we miss the best chance to intervene, how can we guarantee our interests after the war? I support Diluc’s proposed plan. We must now organize an intervention force immediately, lest the situation escalates and harms our interests.”

Two to one—the vote of the Spaniards became key in the decision-making process. If they supported the French, the issue would remain open with a two to two tie; otherwise, it would be the majority rule, and the proposal would be passed.

The Spanish Envoy, Francisco, said, “As far as I know, communications between the governments of both sides have never ceased. To avoid the worst-case scenario, I support the formation of an intervention force.”

Unsurprisingly, the Spanish Envoy, Francisco, made the choice most in line with his own interests.

If this intervention plan fails, the three nations of England, France, and Austria can afford the losses, but Spain cannot.

The Americans have long been coveting the Cuba region, which happens to be Spain’s most lucrative colony, bringing them immense wealth each year. Facing a unified America, they are uncertain if they can hold it.

When it comes to core interests, the Spaniards dare not risk it. Therefore, on the issue of dividing American, the Spaniards are very proactive, even joining the Intervention Alliance amidst many conflicts within their own country.

The British Ambassador, Mal Oliver, continued, “Three to one, the proposal is adopted. Now we shall tally up the military forces from each country to ensure the smooth progress of the intervention.

Great Britain can deploy the American Fleet, including 5 ironclad ships, 16 sailing battleships, and 38 other warships, as well as 80,000 troops.”

This represents nearly all of Great Britain’s mobile armed forces in the North American Region, clearly showing they are determined to completely divide America.

The Austrian diplomat, Diluc, thought for a moment and said, “Our American Fleet can also be deployed. However, in the West Coast Region, we currently have 3 ironclad ships and more than thirty other warships; we can mobilize 50,000 troops.”

This is most of Austria’s military force in the American region, and had there not been a reinforcement to the homeland just recently, they would not have been able to muster so many troops.

After all, the Central American region is still not stable, and the locally organized militia is obviously not available. We cannot intervene in America only to lose our own colonies as a result.

Speaking without much confidence, the Spanish Envoy Francisco said, “We can deploy the Cuban Fleet, more than fifty warships of various classes, including one ironclad ship, and we can mobilize seventy thousand troops.”

It couldn’t be helped; Spain truly had declined. If not for keeping up appearances, they would not even have that one ironclad ship. As for the seventy thousand troops, that number included local indigenous forces, with unpredictable combat capabilities.

The gazes of the three envoys turned toward Alfred. France was expected to bear the brunt of the Intervention Alliance’s ground forces. Alfred had always boasted greatly; now it was their turn to perform.

After hesitating for a moment, Alfred made a decision, “We can deploy the American Fleet, more than fifty warships including three ironclad ships, and we can mobilize sixty thousand troops.”

No matter what, the honor of France could not be lost. Even if it meant delaying the issues in Mexico, this action directly related to the division of interests in America after the war.

The backyard of the United States would soon become the hunting ground of the four nations; in fact, it already is, with only a treaty left to define the spheres of influence for each country.